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| Source: Atlanticpostng |
Nigeria has been handed a rare and consequential test of its democratic maturity. The reason is not that a coup succeeded. Instead, credible reporting and official confirmation now point to an alleged attempt by serving officers. They aimed to overthrow an elected government, disrupt a constitutional transfer of power, and target key political and military figures.
This is not just a barracks matter. It is not only a discipline issue. A coup d’état is an attack on the people’s sovereignty and the constitutional order. When the state treats it as an internal military breach, it risks shrinking a national crime. This turns it into a closed institutional process that Nigerians can’t see. They can’t interrogate it and they may not trust it.
Sylva. He has separately been declared wanted by the EFCC in an unrelated fraud case.
still deal with service offences and chain-of-command breaches. But the main event, the crime against the state and the people, belongs in public view.
What Nigerians Need to Know
What is alleged
A group of officers allegedly planned to overthrow an elected government. They aimed to violently disrupt the 29 May 2023 transition. The plan was later revived in 2025 after they allegedly received financial support.
What the military has confirmed
The Defence Headquarters has acknowledged allegations of a coup plot. This follows an investigative process. They say the indicted personnel will face a military judicial panel.
What is at stake
Civilian supremacy over the armed forces is crucial. Public confidence in justice is necessary. Deterrence plays a vital role. Nigeria’s stability is important as the region faces renewed coup contagion.
What Atlantic Post argues
A coup plot is not merely indiscipline. It is treason against the constitutional order. The public interest demands open prosecution in a federal court with full due process.
The Anatomy of the Alleged Plot
Nigerian media outlets report an alleged plan by a group of officers. As Nigerians prepared for the transfer of power on 29 May 2023, these officers allegedly intended to truncate the handover from Muhammadu Buhari to Bola Tinubu.
The reporting further alleges that the plan was initially set for inauguration day. However, it was suspended for lack of funds and logistics. The plan was reactivated in 2025 after alleged transfers totaling almost N1 billion. These transfers were made through accounts linked to a Bureau De Change operator.
Then, on 26 January 2026, the military publicly acknowledged for the first time that officers had indeed allegedly plotted to illegally overthrow the administration. Those with cases to answer would face a military judicial panel.
That admission matters for two reasons.
First, it narrows the space for euphemism. When the state says there was a plot to overthrow an elected government, the issue goes beyond career grievances. It also surpasses promotion disappointments. It becomes an existential crime against constitutional rule.
Second, it creates a legitimacy challenge. A military judicial panel may satisfy internal procedures. It may even deliver punishment. But, it is unlikely to satisfy the democratic need. The public must see justice done when the alleged offence is an assault on their collective sovereignty.
Coup D’État as a Crime Against the People
Nigeria’s constitutional architecture is built around one foundational idea. No person or group takes control of government except in the manner the constitution allows. That principle is not decorative. It is the legal expression of popular sovereignty.
A coup try is thus more than an attempted change of leadership. It is an attempt to substitute ballots with force and to substitute citizenship with fear. It is an attempt to reassign Nigeria’s ownership from the public to a faction.
What Nigerian Law Says About Treason and Coup Plotting
Treason in Nigeria’s Criminal Code framework involves several actions. It is tied to levying war against the state. It also includes conspiring to do so and acts intended to intimidate or overawe the President or a Governor. Treasonable felonies and related offences also cover preparatory and conspiratorial conduct manifested by overt acts.
The key point is not just punishment. It is classification. Treason is not an HR violation. It is not a mere breach of service regulations. It is a direct offence against the state.
civilian trial for the core constitutional crime.
Why a Court Martial Is Not Enough
A court martial is designed for military discipline, obedience, and cohesion. Its DNA is institutional. Its logic is command. Its environment is structured around service needs, operational secrecy, and the imperatives of force readiness.
Those are valid needs. But they are not the needs of democracy when the allegation is a coup.
patrons. It also warns fixers and foreign facilitators. Nigeria will prosecute the full conspiracy chain.
They reduce suspicion of cover ups
Nigerians carry historical memory of secretive military processes. Closed trials, sealed evidence, and limited reporting will feed speculation that the truth is being trimmed for institutional comfort.
They align with civilian supremacy
The military exists under constitutional authority. When the alleged offence is the attempted overthrow of constitutional government, civilian justice should lead.
If parts of evidence are sensitive, courts already have tools. Protective orders. Witness protection. In camera sessions for narrow portions. Redaction of operational details. None of these require the entire trial to disappear into a military panel.
The Money Trail Problem and Why Civilian Court Matters
If widespread media reporting is accurate, the alleged plot did not live on ideology alone. It required money.
Coups are logistics heavy. Vehicles. Communications. Safe houses. Movement. Access. Informants. Patronage.
clarity on core issues.
Who exactly was arrested and who remains at large?
What is the evidence threshold used to classify suspects as indicted?
What financial trails exist, and what banks and intermediaries were involved?
Were any active duty personnel in sensitive presidential protection units implicated?
How did intelligence penetration occur, and what vulnerabilities remain?
Why did official communication initially frame the matter as routine discipline?
What oversight is National Assembly exercising over the process?
What reforms will follow in promotions, postings, welfare, and grievance systems to reduce susceptibility to conspiracy narratives?
These questions are not antagonistic to the armed forces. They are protective of the republic.
A Final Argument Nigeria Can’t Avoid
The Defence Headquarters has a legitimate interest in discipline. The state has a legitimate interest in stability. But the republic has a higher interest in legitimacy.
A coup plot is not a private quarrel among officers. It is a public crime. It is an attempted theft of Nigeria’s sovereignty. It is violence against citizenship, even when it fails.
Nigeria must therefore do what democracies do when the constitution is attacked.
If the evidence supports the allegations, prosecute treason in open federal court. Let Nigerians see the case. Let the accused defend themselves in public. Let the state prove its claims beyond reasonable doubt.
That is how Nigeria strengthens civilian supremacy. It deters future conspirators. It reassures investors. This signals to a coup-shaken region that Africa’s most important democracy will not negotiate with the logic of force.
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